|
The Wealth and Poverty of Networks. By Ken Friedman, Ph.D. Visiting Professor Part Two: Intermedia and Media Convergence before the Internet [see Part One: Networks in a Space of Flows] Three decades ago, artist Dick Higgins (1966b, 1969a: 22) published an artwork titled Intermedial Object #1. This work took for the form of a performable score. It resembled the event scores and instruction pieces of Higgins's colleagues in the international laboratory for experimental art, design, and music known as Fluxus. Intemedial Object #1 was an invitation to construct an object matching a description in which Higgins established nine parameters, size, shape, function, craftsmanship, taste, decoration, brightness, permanence, and impact. For each of these, he set a scale of numbers from one to ten, locating the object at some point along the scale. The scales that Higgins used for each parameter made the piece especially delightful and entertaining. For size, Higgins set 1 as "horse" and 10 as "elephant," locating the object at 6. He set taste with "lemon" at 1 and "hardware" at 10, placing the object at 5, and permanence with "cake" at 1 and "joy" at 10 with the object at 2. The ninth scale impact -- was unusual, with two scales, adding an x-axis to the earlier single-line y-axis. The first scale was "political" at 1, "aesthetic" at 10, the second "political" at x1 and "humorous" at x10. He located the object at 8 and x7. The invitation to construct an object to fit this model was followed by an invitation to send photographs and movies of resulting objects to the publisher, Something Else Press. Intermedial Object #1 has continued to surface in different incarnations over the years. It was last seen in Geneva in a 1997 exhibition (Bovier and Cherix 1997: 65-66). In this playful, poetic, and partially impossible way, Dick Higgins exemplified and published one of the first works of art to bear the formal designation, "intermedia." Higgins coined the term intermedia at the end of 1965 to describe art forms that draw on several media and grow into new hybrids. Intermedia works cross the boundaries of recognized media and often fuse the boundaries of art with media that had not previously been considered art forms. The term, published in a famous 1966 essay (Higgins 1966a, 1969: 11-29) described an art form appropriate to artists who felt that there are no boundaries between art and life. For a philosophy that denied the boundary between art and life, there could be no boundaries between art form and art form. Higgins used the word to describe the tendency of an increasing number of the most interesting artists to cross the boundaries of recognized media or to fuse the boundaries of art with media that had not previously been considered art forms. Intermedia is an art that lies on the edge of boundaries between forms and media. Intermedia also exist between art forms and non-art forms. It is sometimes difficult to imagine an intermedia form before it is created, but many can be imagined in theory. In 1967, I built on the idea of Higgins's Intermedial Object #1 to create a matrix of possible intermedia for the intermedia course I developed at San Francisco State University. (I have since discovered that this was the first intermedia course taught in a university.) This matrix was an elaborated inventory listing media forms. It permitted one to create different kinds of matrices, combinations, or permutations suggesting groupings or configurations of media. In different configurations, the media matrix (Friedman 1967) could be used to generate conceptual possibilities for new intermedia forms. These were often expressed as percentage possibilities, describing, for example, an intermedia form comprised of 10% music, 25% architecture, 12% drawing, 18% shoemaking, 30% painting and 5% smell. The combinatorial approach developed in the matrices made it possible to imagine many kinds of intermedia forms. One might combine aspects of typesetting, cooking, pyrotechnics, and farming. Another might embrace baking, sculpture, sewing, and perfumery. Some of these intermedia were thought experiments that might never be realized. Others led to concrete results. A study of the past shows just how astonishing the possibilities might be. Many forms of contemporary art began as intermedia. Artists' books, stamp art, performance art, mail art, and video all emerged from the realm of intermedia to become distinct media. This is also true of social sculpture. Both concept art and conceptual art began as intermedia expressions, as did concrete poetry and poesie visive. While intermedia is often confused with multimedia, it should not be. The important distinction between intermedia and multimedia is the melding of aspects of different media into one form. When different forms merge, we see an intermedia form. The success of intermedia is seen in the coherence of mergers that give rise to new forms. The most successful intermedia forms will eventually cease to be intermedia. They will develop characteristics of their own. They will finally become established media with names, histories, and contexts of their own. In 1984, A. J. N. Judge undertook a large-scale survey of all possible media for a study on information and understanding (Judge 1984). In 1998, for a European Union project undertaken in collaboration with Judge, I (Friedman 1998b, 1998c) built on my earlier media matrices to extend the survey with a research request sent to over 20,000 scholars, artists, critics, and theorists around the world. The final inventory was a list of roughly 1,600 possible communications media from the abacus and abbreviations to the zarzuela and 'zines. In an important conceptual sense, intermedia was a precursor to media convergence in much the same way that art networks before the Internet era were precursors to today's network art. The conceptual and physical convergence of earlier media took on a new dimension in the virtual reality of the digital world. This convergence is powerful both because it permits the birth of new media forms, and because the intersection of the digital world with the physical world makes these new media powerful in physical and cultural terms. Consider electronic publishing as one example of this phenomenon. On the visible level, electronic publishing involves transferring the content of paper media to electronic means and inventing new forms of publishing. On a less visible level, electronic publishing is something else entirely. We often speak of electronic publishing as littler more than using digital electronic media to publish and distribute content. This fails to describe the three effects of electronic publishing in convergent digital media. The first effect is an astonishing economy of scale. Migration to digital media and addition of digital variants means a vast multiplication of accessible information. The second effect is a new manipulability of information for processes ranging from searching and aggregating to transmission and delivery. But the third effect goes far beyond these, and few people fully understand what it means. This third effect develops because all information in electronic digital media is carried in digital code. While media vary in look and feel, all electronic publishing uses digital code as its basic medium. The power of this third effect is that it gives any number of forms and outputs to any possible kind of content. One related fact makes the protean and changeable nature of electronic publishing clear. The computer is not a medium in the original sense of the term. The electronic computer is a device that uses to software to emulate the performance and characteristics of many kinds of media. A computer can become any kind of machine that can be programmed. Hidden behind the visible and powerful face of electronic publishing is a less visible and even more powerful phenomenon. Media convergence, the control revolution (Beniger 1986: 6-10, 31-60, 426-436), and the increasingly connected datasphere point to forms of publishing never before possible. Media convergence drives a relentless search for new ways to understand and manage media, and these media often probe the liminal spaces of the intermedia dimension. Information technology now controls an increasing number of the world's important operating systems. Linked to these two important facts is the fact that the world's computing systems are slowly being joined together to form an invisible datasphere far larger and more powerful than the visible interface of the World Wide Web. The cumulative power of the global datasphere and the generative power of media convergence make electronic publishing a central force in the world economy. These forces unleash opportunities and potentials never seen before in any society. They also reduce the world to an economy in the original meaning of the word, a household. These forces generate bad effects as well as good. The concept of electronic publishing is to the developing digital world as the concept of the Turing Machine is to the computer. There is, however, a difference. The Turing Machine (Bolter 1984: 12-13. 43-47) is a theoretical simulation that can execute any program that a computer can execute. Electronic publishing is a conceptual construct that enables us to understand the power of the new digital media. Electronic publishing can, in theory, involve any content distributed by electronic media or any program that electronic media can execute. The nature and variety of digital electronic media give astonishing power and variety to the phenomenon of electronic publishing. They change the meaning of what it is to publish, and they change the nature of what can be published. In a world increasingly powered by converging technologies, this means that electronic publishing covers a wide range of possibilities. Different kinds of publications are released into global information system every day, each with dramatic effects in cyberspace and in the physical world. Ill-conceived email messages multiplied by millions of copies have shifted the course of government and ended business careers. Automated financial transactions executed by computer programs have triggered major financial disruption. Worms have seized control of millions of computers to replicate and publish themselves further while executing instructions on computers they corrupt. The future effects of electronic publishing may be even more dramatic. Computers control the manufacture of everything from frozen food to automobiles and the distribution of everything from products to news, water, electricity, and communication. Biotechnology and nanotechnology are a new link between the abstract world of programming and the influence that programs can exert in the physical world. The union of digital code, computer networks, media convergence, and automated control systems make electronic publishing inconceivably powerful. Electronic publishing is to the global information environment of the 21st century what the Turing machine was to electromechanical computing. The coming possibilities are vast as nanotechnology and materials science move us toward a world in which it is possible to program all-purpose machines at distant locations to manufacture base materials into a wide range of artifacts. With remote programming used to instruct distant factory machines, the owner of the programs will be able to publish artifacts much as newspapers publish distant editions today. The future possibilities of war offer another vision of how powerful electronic publishing may soon become. We will see war game simulations far beyond today's war games in sophistication and power. Comprehensive libraries, tutorials, and education programs will support some. It may also be possible to buy a military edition with guerrilla warfare supplements complete with training modules for the price of a modest DVD. This might well lead to deluxe editions with a tactical planning unit that helps field troops learn from their own performance in fluid skirmish encounters. A super-strength version with macro-level neural network global strategy modules may general staff in strategic planning and tactical analysis. An ultra-secret classified edition might include a programming interface to hack the computer-based battle system of an opposing power and cripple computer-guided military weapons systems. A successful hack might win battles. With digitally controlled nanotech factories enabled for bio-technological hybrid manufacturing, it may be possible to manufacture miniaturized devices that can do everything from emulate biochemical warfare agents to seizing control of enemy infrastructure at the electromechanical interface. In theory, it is possible to publish all of these applications in digital media. Sophisticated programmers might even be able to use an opponent's resources to do the manufacturing and delivery. What any publisher is able to do will depend on budget, status, technological skill, and, ultimately, on the political will of the sovereign nations of the world. Teenage war freaks will get a digitized simulation supported by anime and manga. Sovereign nations will buy neural networks with computers, software, and fully armed weapons systems. The farther reaches of this trend remain a future scenario, but anything that can be digitized today can be published now. The historical, conceptual, and physical nature of networks and networked art bring us to consider the meaning and impact of art networks today both their potentials, and their problems.
The Wealth and Poverty of Networks From the earliest times, the social and economic power of physical networks was visible to those who built and controlled them. This was certainly clear to the Sumerians and the Romans. As networks increased their speed and reach, their power multiplied in interesting and unpredictable ways. Robert Hooke wrote the first technical description of a semaphore as early as 1684 (Flichy 1995: 7). By the late 1700s, the semaphore was used to develop semaphore telegraph systems, first in France, then in England. In 1794, one member of the French government hailed the new invention that made "distances between places disappear in a sense" (Flichy: 1995: 9). This statement found an intriguing echo two centuries later in a book on today's digital network, titled The Death of Distance. How the Communications Revolution will Change Our Lives (Cairncross 1998). With its clumsy wigwag signal arms, and the limits of light and weather, the semaphore telegraph is primitive and clumsy by today's standards. In its own time, it furthered revolutions of many kinds military, communicative, and economic. It shortened the time that a message took in crossing France from weeks to hours. Making market information available at distant points also forced uniformity of weights and measures with significant effects on equality and access to markets that had previously been dominated locally by feudal landlords and dominated at a distant by monarchs and merchants. The semaphore telegraph networks was to be followed by the electrical telegraph, electrical networks of other kinds, and the telephone, each time with surprising results. These were often linked to such phenomena as light urban railways or automobiles in reshaping the societies into which they were introduced. At the same time that these innovations shifted cultures in a democratic direction, they often homogenized the cultures that they transformed, in Carolyn Marvin's (1988: 191-231) words, "annihilating space, time, and difference." Today's networks have equally significant properties. They tie distant individuals together, making it possible to structure, and maintain far-flung organizations and communities. They make it possible to shift the locus of control in organizations away from a center or toward it. They permit teams and virtual organizations to work together in new and creative ways. They also create special effects by virtue of their linking functions, generation network externalities, and increasing returns for some innovations while speeding the death or evaporation of traditional ways as well as uncompetitive innovations. Nevertheless, the power of networks is two-fold. So far, we have examined the technical opportunities made possible by networks. We have not examined the social dimensions of the network society, at least not more than to note the social and cultural effects of such phenomena as globalization or earlier network technologies. Rather than consider the large-scale challenges of the network society, we will consider the more specific social and cultural dimensions of art networks in the light of general network properties. In examining the potentials and problems of art networks, we will ask why they achieved so much at the same time that they failed to fulfill so many of the hopes held out for them. The answers to these questions involve six basic issues: generative capacity, productive capacity, sustainability, commitment, memory, and learning. The first and second of these six issues involve the generative capacity and productive capacity of most system and organisms, whether they are networks or not. All organizations, all social systems, all biological systems, and the mechanical or physical tools they use require energy to achieve active results. Systems consume energy to produce work in a physical sense. In this sense, work is an activity that uses strength or the faculties to do something or to achieve a goal. Work may be a specific activity or task, or it may be a part or phase of a larger activity (see: Merriam-Webster 1990: 1358). For pleasure or as a job, work requires energy. In this sense, making art, reading, eating, and even making love are forms of work. Work can be as simple as waving a hand or telling a story, as demanding as running a marathon race, as quiet as telling a story, or as complex performing an opera. All work requires energy, and work can be defined in terms of the energy that is spent in any process or phenomenon. Physicists define work as the effective part of a force, the part that causes motion. Work is measured as the force exerted on an object multiplied by the distance that the force causes the object to travel when the direction of force and the direction of motion are the same. By definition, no work is done when no motion takes place. Art activism implies social change, a form of work moving groups, institutions, societies, or cultures from one situation to another. The generative capacity of social networks involves their ability to create change and to fulfill the goals for which they were established. This requires work, and work demands energy. One of the most visible aspects of failed networks is the failure to invest the resources and energy required for maintenance. When an individual stops maintaining a Web site, links go dead. When an organization stops maintaining a server, a node vanishes from the Internet. Organizations fail when individuals and communities fail to support them, and history is the long story of organizations, societies, and cultures that vanished due to maintenance problems or the lack of energy. Sometimes they fail when energy imports cease. At other times, they fail in the face of competitive forces. Once-prominent networks have disappeared for many reasons. The road systems of Sumeria and Rome disappeared when their societies could no longer maintain them. (Rome and Sumeria disappeared as societies and nations when the balance between resource inputs and resources expended grew too far out of balance.) The semaphore telegraph networks disappeared to be replaced by other media. So did the Pony Express, bankrupted after little more than a year by the superior competitive power of an overland telegraph that delivered messages faster and at far lower cost. Social networks have suffered the same fate. One of the difficulties of art networks has always been that they thrive in a dialectical tension between change agency and the stable system of public and private support that makes networks possible. In their introduction to this section, Annmarie Chandler, Ross Gibson, Norie Neumark (2003: this volume) describe "the tensions, the complexities of the desires, the impossible potentials and the potential impossibilities" of the art networks presented in this book. For me, the first and most visible impossible arises from a tension between the energy requirements required for generating social change and the inability of so many networks to achieve the productive capacity they needed. In a way, this may not matter. As Chandler, Gibson and Neumark (2003: this volume) note, "There was also the common wound of the technology refusing to realise the artists' vision. Significantly, however, this was not an overwhelming problem to these artists [and] activists who were generally not instrumentalist in their approach to technology." Instead, these networks succeeded through "playful inventiveness," through a metaphorical development of ideas and themes, inventive rhetorical topoi that would influence and stimulate the world around them. This metaphorical power is one of the true generative capacities of art. Nevertheless, I wonder about the failure of so many art networks to generate or develop a sustained dialogue with the world around them. As it is with so many stories, this story can be told many ways, and I find myself thinking about this failure from several positions. From all positions, however, it remains the case that social structures and the organizations we build formal and informal are also a technology. In this area, the technology of artistic networks has failed to demonstrate the sustainability and resiliency that one might wish of a social agency that makes claims to social innovation. One aspect of the problem involves productive capacity, the ability (or inability) of art networks to generate the resources needed to survive and grow while also generating the resources required to fulfill a goal or mission. Some art networks purposely never made the attempt. The mail art network is a case in point. It has always consisted of individuals who interact with one another in voluntary coalitions and short-term projects. One or two mail art projects briefly took on an institutional life in an effort to become durable institutions this was particularly true in Canada, where Image Bank, Western Front, and General Idea became institutionalized through government funding in an era when Canada was a center of arts patronage. Nevertheless, these institutions depended on external resources, the same resources that supported museums and festivals, and they never developed their own productive capacity. In contrast, many Fluxus projects sought to develop productive capacity in several ways. These primarily included publishing ventures such as George Maciunas's Fluxus multiples publishing programs, Dick Higgins's Something Else Press, Beau Geste Press in England or some of the Fluxus West ventures. There were also cooperative housing and community-building projects, commercial ventures such as Implosions, or Festivals, and a few attempts to create research foundations organized for the study and promulgation or intermedia and Fluxus. Despite some good efforts and durable results, we failed to create the kind of productive capacity that would sustain the ventures themselves. I will tell this story another time. Here I will simply note that productive capacity requires interacting with a larger world so that resources come in as well as going out. It is one thing and difficult enough for an individual artist to do this. It is another and far more difficult matter for a network to develop the productive capacity for long-term survival. The sustainability of a network flows from the productive capacity of the system or from the willingness of individual and to support its generative capacity. This requires existential commitment of a kind that is extremely rare. Sustainability and existential commitment are at the core of most viable networks. Biological networks survive because they are, by definition, sustainable. The elements and parts of biological are existentially committed to their network systems by virtue of their linkage into the networks of which they are part. This is rarely the case with human social networks and the mechanical networks that human beings create. In one sense, these issues parallel the themes discussed under generative and productive capacity. In a larger sense, the issues of sustainability and commitment involve a range of issues in philosophy, individual, and social psychology that are too deep to permit a short discussion. I raise these themes to point them out. Many of the chapters in this book necessarily consider these issues, at least in part. For social networks to achieve their goals and to survive, the human beings who build them and belong to them must sustain them and this requires an existential commitment to long-term development and growth. So far, there has been no example of an art network that demonstrates the sustainability and resilience of most successful social networks. Some art networks have survived longer than expected: Fluxus is a case in point. This has to do with unusual factors, and one of these is the fact that some members of the network have always been willing to generate and contribute resources in excess of the network's own productive capacity. What is unusual about Fluxus, in contrast with most art networks, is that this condition has been the case for over four decades. The last two factors are memory and learning. Chandler, Gibson, and Neumark (2003: this volume) focus on memory as a key factor in developing this book. "It seems ironic at a time when 'memory' is so high on new media artists' agenda that there has been such a forgetting of this past." Memory is, in fact, one of the conditions of successful networks. There are three kinds of social memory at work in most networks. These parallel the different kinds of memory seen in individual human beings. One kind of social memory is short-term or immediate transaction memory. The specific individuals or members of an network or any organization working together on a process rely on short-term memory. This is seen in teams, virtual organizations, and current processes. This might be comparable to short-term memory in human beings. At this level, individuals process the data and information about their own activities into individual knowledge. Some of this knowledge clearly moves into the network as information. Nevertheless, most processes that are recent enough to be current transactions on the working group level are probably not transferred in social memory as structured knowledge. A second kind of social memory is medium-term memory. This is the memory of current and recent knowledge distributed through the network organization, whether it is formal or informal. All may draw on this form of memory or knowledge. This memory is closely linked to organizational learning, even in informal social groupings. At this level, knowledge moves from the people directly involved in a specific transaction or process to the larger network to which the people belong and in which the processes are embedded. At this level, networks process information into knowledge. Workable social memory is embodied in individuals. The working knowledge of any network is what human beings know and remember. This requires a robust distinction between social memory (knowledge) and the facts recorded in documents or held in knowledge technology systems (information). The knowledge of individuals is information for the organization as a whole until it is transmitted widely enough to be known by a reasonably broad constituency. Only then does it become social knowledge. The third kind of organizational memory is long-term memory. This involves a deep understanding of the reasons for which something is done, and the relationship between activities and the ultimate purposes for which they were created. Most networks tend to be very bad on this. At this level, behaviors are often disconnected from memory. For this reason, valuable activities may be sacrificed or neglected because no one knows why these practices exist. Paradoxically, useless activities may continue for nearly the same reason. They may be retained and continued on the false assumption that they are valuable. This is so despite of or because of the fact that no one knows why they began. There may even be a fourth kind of memory, embedded so deeply as to be almost subconscious. This includes memories so central to a network's early foundation and way of being that they are part of the culture. This also includes memories of activities on which no formal documents ever existed. These memories are linked to behaviors for reasons long lost. These reasons can no longer be uncovered. We see this in a network's culture and in the behaviors that a network embodies without knowing why. We also see this in some of the otherwise inexplicable structural forms seen in so many networks. An example in a stable organization is seen, for example, in a university that has two departments of social anthropology, both going back to a dispute between two senior professors five decades ago. Everyone knows there was a clash and they know that the clash led to the creation of two departments, but no one knows the reason for the clash and both professors retired long before anyone now working in either department was hired. The first kind of memory corresponds to know-how, the second to know-what, the third to know-why, and the last to a kind of existential quality of being. The kinds of processes that an network can understand and the goals it can achieve are always linked to kinds of understanding an network embodies. This understanding is lodged in social memory. The behavioral context within which individuals operate in a network and the processes they are permitted to develop are also linked to culture and to social memory. Learning depends on memory. Organisms must learn if they are to thrive. Interesting, neural networks offer the most successful approaches to artificial intelligence and machine learning. This is because the creators of these networks do not simply use them as conduits for the flow of information. Instead, these networks are endowed with a capacity to remember and learn from information, weighting inputs and retaining patterns. One reason that art networks so often fail to achieve the goals for which they are established is that they do not remember long enough to learn enough. Networks often have enough short-term and middle-term memory to achieve notable results and specific works, but the social and cultural change implicit in activism requires more. Networks offer important advantages. At the same time, the shift to networks in organizational structures and thinking introduce difficulties. This is a topic that has been developed beautifully by the sociologist Richard Sennett, and rarely discussed in an art community for which the word network represents only benefits and no drawbacks. Five years ago, Sennett (1998) examined the consequences of flexible organization in work life. In earlier books, Sennett examined problems of social life in contemporary industrial democracies. He studied conscience, authority, public life, and notably the continuing problem of class. In his 1998 book -- titled The Corrosion of Character. The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism -- he examined what happens when organizations move from long-term commitments to network structures, and he examines the consequences that arise as the bonds of social life and work life are loosened in comparison with earlier systems. The challenges of existential commitment and memory that art networks face in seeking to generate social transformation occur in working life when today's flexible organizations loosen the bonds that ought properly to generate solidarity and engagement. The meaning of career and life work changes dramatically in networked societies, and this involves troubling effects of alienation and disconnection as much as it engenders freedom and personal choice. The stability and sense of belonging that comes with tradition is balanced in a dialectical tension with the fluidity and freedom that arise as traditions weaken. On the one hand, the individual gains power against the group and personal freedom rises. On the other, social group support for individual human beings vanishes as loose temporary aggregations of individual meet to pursue short-term personal interests on a project-oriented basis. The other articles in this section examine related issues and questions. Sean Cubitt considers the questions of ephemerality and evanescence in networks, ranging across different levels of time and history. Craig Saper playfully reconceives the idea of bureaucracy that makes stable modern societies possible while examining the different spaces that artists have attempted to colonize in their effort to metaphorically remake the world. This chapter has taken a complementary by somewhat different tack. As Chandler, Gibson, and Neumark (2003: this volume) write, "Networking was not just about technology but also human relations." I have attempted to consider some of the human and social aspects of networks, first by studying their physical and technical properties, then by examining how these properties affect art networks in the global knowledge economy defined by convergent forces and networks of many kinds. It seems to me, as it does to Sean Cubitt and to Craig Saper, that artist networks are a hopeful phenomenon in a complex world. I remain puzzled, optimistic, and resigned in equal measure that these networks can achieve their purposes. My goal here has been to examine issues that are too rarely considered in the hope that the creators of future art networks can learn from what failed to work in past networks as well as learning from what they did so very well.
References Anti-Slavery Home Page. 2003. Anti-Slavery Home Page. URL: http://www.antislavery.org/ Date accessed 2003 February 10. ARTFL Webster's. 1913. Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary (G & C. Merriam Co., 1913, edited by Noah Porter). ARTFL (Project for American and French Research on the Treasury of the French Language). Chicago: Divisions of the Humanities, University of Chicago. URL: http://humanities.uchicago.edu/forms_unrest/webster.form.html. Date accessed: 2002 January 18. Bauman, Zygmunt. 1998. Globalization: The Human Consequences. (Themes for the 21st Century Series). Cambridge: Polity Press. Bechtel, William, and Adele Abrahamsen. 2002. Connectionism and the Mind Parallel Processing, Dynamics, and Evolution in Networks. Second Edition. Oxford: Blackwell. Bell, Daniel. 1973. The Coming of Post-Industrial Society. A Venture in Social Forecasting. New York: Basic Books. (Reprinted with an expanded introduction in 1973, and a new foreword in 1999.) Bell, Daniel. 1999. The Coming of Post-industrial Society. A Venture in Social Forecasting. New York: Basic Books. Beniger, James R. 1986. The Control Revolution. Technological and Economic Origins of the Information Society. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Berger, Peter L., and Samuel P. Huntington. 2002. Many Globalizations. Cultural Diversity in the Contemporary World. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bickle, John, and Peter Mandik. 2002. "The Philosophy of Neuroscience", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Winter 2002 Edition. Edward N. Zalta, ed. URL: http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2002/entries/neuroscience/ Date accessed 2003 April 8. Black, John. 2002. "Network externality." A Dictionary of Economics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oxford Reference Online. URL: http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t19.002109 Date accessed 2003 April 4. Boisot, Max. 1995. Information Space. A Framework for Learning in Organizations, Institutions, and Cultures. London: Routledge. Bolter, David J. 1984. Turing's Man. Western Culture in the Computer Age. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. Boorstin, Daniel J. 1985. The Discoverers. New York: Random House. Bovier, Lionel, and Christophe Cherix. 1997. L'irresolution commune d'un engagement equivoque. Ecart, Geneve, 1969-1982. Geneva: Mamco et Cabinet des estampes. Britannica Webster's. 2003. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary. Online edition. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. URL: http://www.britannica.com/. Date accessed: 2003 March 20. Burke, James. 1996. The Pinball Effect. Boston: Back Bay Books. Burrus, Daniel, with Roger Gittines. 1993. Techno Trends. How to Use Technology to Go Beyond Your Competition. New York: Harper Business. Cairncross, Frances. 1998. The Death of Distance. How the Communications Revolution will Change Our Lives. London: Orion Business Books. Chandler, Alfred D. 1977. The Visible Hand. The Managerial Revolution in American Business. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press, Harvard University Press. Chandler, Alfred D. 1994. Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism. Cambridge. Massachusetts: Belknap Press. Chandler, Alfred D., and James W. Cortada, editors. 2000. A Nation Transformed by Information. New York: Oxford University Press. Chandler, Annmarie, Ross Gibson, and Norie Neumark. 2003. "[Introduction to] Section 3: Noise on the Network" At A Distance: Precursors to Internet Art. Annmarie Chandler, Ross Gibson, and Norie Neumark, editors. [This volume] Clapham, Christopher. 1998. "Network." The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Mathematics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oxford Reference Online. URL: http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t82.001070 Date accessed 2003 April 14. Clark, Colin. 1940. Conditions of Economic Progress. London: Macmillan and Co. Cubitt, Sean. 2003. "From Internationalism to Transnations. Networked Art and Activism." At A Distance: Precursors to Internet Art. Annmarie Chandler, Ross Gibson, and Norie Neumark, editors. [This volume] De Soto, Hernando. 2000. The Mystery of Capital. Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else. New York: Bantam Press. Drucker, Peter F. 1973. The Age of Discontinuity. Guidelines to Our Changing Society. New York: Harper Torchbooks. Drucker, Peter F. 1996 (1957). Landmarks of Tomorrow: A Report on the New "Post Modern" World. With a New Introduction by the Author. Rutgers, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. Drucker, Peter F. 1990. The New Realities. London, Mandarin. Drucker, Peter F. 1993. Post-capitalist Society. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. ETCSL (The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature). 2003. "A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulgi A): translation." The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature. Oxford: University of Oxford. URL: http://www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk/section2/tr24201.htm Date accessed 2003 March 20 Flichy, Patrice. 1995. Dynamics of Modern Communication. The Shaping and Impact of New Communication Technologies. London: Sage Publications. Foster, Richard, and Sarah Kaplan. 2001. Creative Destruction. Why Companies that are Built to Last Underperform the Market and How to Transform Them. New York: Doubleday Currency. Francois, Charles. 1997. International Encyclopedia of Systems and Cybernetics. Munich: K. G. Saur. Friedman, Ken. 1967. Intermedia and Expanded Art. Department of Radio-Television-Film and Experimental College, San Francisco State College, San Francisco, California. Friedman, Ken. 1995a. "The Early Days of Mail Art: An Historical Overview." Eternal Network. A Mail Art Anthology. Chuck Welch, editor. Calgary, Alberta: University of Calgary Press, 3-16.' Friedman, Ken. 1995b. "Eternal Network." Eternal Network, Chuck Welch, ed. Calgary: University of Calgary Press, xiv-xvii. [Introduction.] Friedman, Ken. 1995c. "A Fluxus Idea." The Electronic Superhighway. Travels with Nam June Paik.. Nam June Paik and Kenworth W. Moffett, editors. New York, Seoul, and Fort Lauderdale: Holly Solomon Gallery, Hyundai Gallery, and the Fort Lauderdale Museum of Art, 87-97. [Reprinted 1998. "Fluxus and Company." The Fluxus Reader. Ken Friedman, editor. Chichester, England: Academy Editions, John Wiley and Sons, 237-253.] Friedman, Ken. 1998a. "Cities in the Information Age: A Scandinavian Perspective." In The Virtual Workplace. Magid Igbaria and Margaret Tan, eds. Hershey, Pennsylvania: Idea Group Publishing, 144-176. Friedman, Ken. 1998b. "Digital Convergence and Multimedia: A Cultural and Technological Inventory." Beyond Convergence. Proceedings of the Twelfth Biennial International Telecommunications Society Conference. Stockholm, Sweden: ITS, Center for Information and Communications Research, Stockholm School of Economics, and the Swedish Transport and Communications Research Board. Friedman, Ken. 1998c. "Multiple Views on Multimedia and the World Wide Web: A European Perspective." Supplement to INFO2000 Project Proposal. Contextual Information for Biological Conservation. Brussels: Union of International Associations, World Conservation Monitoring Centre, Institute for European Environmental Policy, and the Nordic Centre for Innovation. Friedman, Ken. 2002. "Cuarenta Anos de Fluxus." Fluxus y Fluxfilms,1962-2002. Berta Sichel, editor, in collaboration with Peter Frank. Madrid: Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofia, 41-83. Fuller, Buckminster. 1973. Earth, Inc. New York: Doubleday Anchor. Fuller, Buckminster. 1981. Critical Path. New York: St. Martin's Press. Garson, James. 2002. "Connectionism." The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Winter 2002 Edition. Edward N. Zalta, ed. URL: http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/win2002/entries/connectionism/ Date accessed 2003 April 8. Gerbert, Philipp, Alex Birch, Gerd Schnetkamp, and Dirk Schneider. 2001. Digital Storm. Fresh Business Strategies from the Electronic Marketplace. London: Capstone. Gilder, George. 1981. Wealth and Poverty. New York: Basic Books. Hare, A. Paul, and June Rabson Hare. 1997. J. L. Moreno. London: Sage Publications, Ltd. Higgins, Dick. 1966a. "Intermedia." Something Else Newsletter, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 1-6. (Reprinted in Multimedia. From Wagner to Virtual Reality, Randal Packer and Ken Jordan, editors. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2001) Higgins, Dick. 1966b. Intermedial Object #1. New York: Something Else Press. Higgins, Dick. 1967. "Intermedia." Wormwood Review, Vol. 7, No. 1, 15-22. Higgins, Dick. 1968. "Intermedia." Library Journal (June 1), 2213-2214. Higgins, Dick. 1969. Foew&ombwhnw: a grammar of the mind and a phenomenology of love and a science of the arts as seen by a stalker of the wild mushroom. New York: Something Else Press. Higgins, Dick. 1984. Horizons. The Poetics and Theory of the Intermedia. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press. Higgins, Dick. 1997. Modernism Since Postmodernism: Essays on Intermedia. San Diego, California: San Diego State University Press. iAbolish. 2003. iAbolish. Anti-Slavery Web Portal. URL: http://www.iabolish.org/ Date accessed 2003 February 10. Ince, Darrel. 2001. "Network." A Dictionary of the Internet. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oxford Reference Online. URL: http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t12.002264 Date accessed 2003 March 29. Judge, A. J. N. 1984. Forms of Presentation and the Future of Comprehension. Brussels: Union of International Associations. Kahn, Herman. 1982. The Coming Boom. Economic, Political, and Social. New York: Simon and Schuster. Kahn, Herman, and Anthony J Wiener. 1967. The Year 2000. A Framework for Speculation on the Next Thirty-Three Years. New York: Macmillan. Kesner, Meredith, and Matt Pearl. 2003. Media Convergence. The Emergence of Convergence. [Online Resource Center.] URL: http://pubweb.northwestern.edu/%7Emep407/nnm/final/index.html Date accessed 2003 April 10. Longstaff, Patricia Hirl. 1999. "Regulating Communications in the 21st Century. New Common Ground." The Information Resources Policy Handbook. Research for the Information Age. Benjamin M. Compaine and William H. Read, editors. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 453-489. Machlup, Fritz. 1962. The Production and Distribution of Knowledge in the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Machlup, Fritz. 1979. Knowledge and Information. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Machlup, Fritz. 1980. Knowledge and Knowledge Production. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Machlup, Fritz. 1982. Knowledge, Its Creation, Distribution, and Economic Significance. Vol. 1. Knowledge and Knowledge Production. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Machlup, Fritz. 1984. Knowledge, Its Creation, Distribution, and Economic Significance. Vol. 3. The Economics of Information and Human Capital. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Marsden, Peter V., and Nan Lin, editors. 1982. Social Structure and Network Analysis. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications. Marvin, Carolyn. 1988. When Old technologies Were new. Thinking About Electric Communication in the Late Nineteenth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mayhew, Susan. 1997. "Network."
A Dictionary of Geography. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Oxford Reference Online. URL: McKinney, James L., with Duncan C. Copeland and Richard O. Mason. 1995. Waves of Change. Business Evolution through Information Technology. Cambridge: Massachusetts: Harvard Business School Press. Merriam-Webster. 1990. Webster's Ninth New Collegiate Dictionary. Springfield, Massachusetts: Merriam-Webster, Inc. Moreno, J. L. 1951. Sociometry, experimental method and the science of society. Beacon, NY: Beacon House. Moreno, J. L. 1953. Who shall survive? Foundations of sociometry, group psychotherapy, and sociodrama. Beacon, NY: Beacon House. Naisbitt, John. 1982. Megatrends. Ten New Directions Transforming Our Lives. New York: Warner Books. Naisbitt, John. 1994. Global Paradox. The Bigger the World Economy, the More Powerful Its Smallest Players. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc. Needham, Joseph. 1954. Science and Civilization in China, Volume I, Introductory Orientations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Needham, Joseph. 1956. Science and Civilization in China, Volume II, History of Scientific Thought. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Needham, Joseph. 1959. Science and Civilization in China, Volume III, Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and Earth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Needham, Joseph. 1965. Science and Civilization in China, Volume. 4, Part. 2: Mechanical Engineering. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Needham, Joseph, Wang Ling, and Derek J. de Solla Price. 1960. Heavenly Clockwork: The Great Astronomical Clocks of Medieval China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. NIV. 1995. The NIV Study Bible. 10th anniversary edition. Kenneth Baker, general editor. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House. OED. 2002. OED Online. Oxford English Dictionary. Ed. J. A. Simpson and E. S. C. Weiner. 2nd ed, 1989. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Oxford University Press. URL: http://dictionary.oed.com/ Date accessed: 2003 March 23. OUP 1996. "Network." A Dictionary of Computing. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oxford Reference Online. URL:http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t11.003463 Date accessed 2003 April 14. Paik, Nam June. 1964. "Utopian Laser Television." In Manifestoes. New York: Something Else Press. Refenes, Apostolos-Paul, editor. 1995. Neural Networks in the Capital Markets. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons.: Rifkin, Jeremy. 1987. Time Wars. The Primary Conflict in Human History. New York: Touchstone - Simon and Schuster. Rosenberg, Nathan and L. E. Birdzell, Jr. 1986. How the West Grew Rich. The Economic Transformation of the Industrial World. New York: Basic Books. Saper, Craig. 2003. "The Internet's Underwear. Intimate Bureaucracies As Activism." At A Distance: Precursors to Internet Art. Annmarie Chandler, Ross Gibson, and Norie Neumark, editors. [This volume] Sassen, Saskia. 1991. The Global City: New York, London, and Tokyo. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Sassen, Saskia. 1994. Cities in the World Economy. Thousand Oaks, California: Pine Forge/Sage Publications. Sassen, Saskia. 1996. Losing Control? Sovereignty in an Age of Globalization. New York: Columbia University Press. Sassen, Saskia. 1998. Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: The New Press. Schumpeter, Joseph A. 1934. The Theory of Economic Development. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Schumpeter, Joseph. 1976 [1942]. Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. London: George Allen and Unwin. Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development as Freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sennett, Richard. 1998. The Corrosion of Character. The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism. New York: W. W. Norton. Shapiro, Carl, and Hal R. Varian. 1999. Information Rules. A Strategic Guide to the Network Economy. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Business School Press. Soros, George. 2002. On Globalization. New York: Public Affairs. Stiglitz, Joseph. 2002. Globalization and Its Discontents. New York: W. W. Norton. Tarde, Gabriel. 1979. Les lois de l'imitation. Paris: Collection Ressources. United Nations. 1945. Charter of the United Nations. URL: http://www.un.org/Overview/Charter/contents.html Date accessed 2003 March 14. United Nations. 1948. Universal Declaration of Human Rights. URL: http://www.un.org/Overview/rights.html Date accessed 2003 March 14. Upton, Graham, and Ian Cook. 2002. "Network." A Dictionary of Statistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oxford Reference Online. URL: http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t106.001113 Date accessed 2003 March 29. White, Harrison C. 1992. "Markets, Networks, and Control." Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Organization. S. Lindenberg and Hein Schroeder, editors. Oxford: Pergamon Press. White, Harrison C. 1993. Careers and Creativity: Social Forces in the Arts. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. White, Harrison C. 1995a. "Network Switchings and Bayesian Forks. Reconstructing the Social and Behavioral Sciences." Social Research 62: 1035-1063. White, Harrison C. 1995b. "Social Networks Can Resolve Actor Paradoxes in Economics and in Psychology," Journal of Institutional and Theoretical Economics, Vol. 151: 58-74. Williams, Robert B. 2003. Media Convergence Resources Guide. [Online Resource Center.] http://129.252.169.86/locicero/conv5/mediaconvguide.html Date Accessed 2003 April 10. Wordsmyth. 2003. The Wordsmyth Educational Dictionary-Thesaurus. [WEDT]. Robert Parks, ed. Chicago: Wordsmyth Collaboratory. URL: http://www.wordsmyth.net/. Date accessed: 2003 April 16.
|